Metro-Roland, business and finance homework help


60-80% should be a summary of the article by Metro-Roland. The remaining 20-40% should discuss how the ideas in the reading might be reflected in something you would cook for friends or family. Specifically, how might you prepare a dish using these ideas and what would you call it?20160220235846metro_roland.pdf

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Journal of Heritage Tourism
ISSN: 1743-873X (Print) 1747-6631 (Online) Journal homepage:
Goulash nationalism: the culinary identity of a
Michelle Marie Metro-Roland
To cite this article: Michelle Marie Metro-Roland (2013) Goulash nationalism:
the culinary identity of a nation, Journal of Heritage Tourism, 8:2-3, 172-181, DOI:
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Published online: 13 Feb 2013.
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Download by: [Indiana University Libraries]
Date: 10 October 2015, At: 10:38
Journal of Heritage Tourism, 2013
Vol. 8, Nos. 2–3, 172 –181,
Goulash nationalism: the culinary identity of a nation
Michelle Marie Metro-Roland∗
Haenicke Institute for Global Education, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, MI, USA
Downloaded by [Indiana University Libraries] at 10:38 10 October 2015
(Received 6 March 2012; final version received 3 November 2012)
This paper explores the relationship between food, geography and national culture. Food
is sustenance and ceremony; it is also malleable, transformable and indelibly linked with
global movements. Certain foods, regardless of their origins, become intimately linked
with particular cultures and begin to function almost metonymically, in some cases
becoming the dominant thing which is known about the culture. This paper presents
one of the most iconic culinary specialties of the Hungarian kitchen, gulyásleves and
its better known bastard cousin goulash. In interviewing foreign visitors to the city of
Budapest about their previous knowledge of the county, the most frequently cited fact
was their familiarity with paprika and goulash (the former being the key element
demarking a Hungarian meat soup from those found in other Central European
kitchens). This highlights the way in which food and foodways, with some unpacking,
reveal a rich host of cultural and historical information. In the case of goulash and
paprika, these include the long route that peppers took through the Ottoman Empire,
the role of the cowboys of the Hungarian Great Plains, the emigration of Hungarians at
the end of the nineteenth century and the evolution from soup to stew in the ‘New World’.
Keywords: culinary heritage; culture; food; national identity
Most of the dishes described in this book would not be very easy to digest. One should use
good judgment, especially if the dinner guests are not all Hungarians. The Hungarian dishes
should be interspersed with lighter fare. The variety will then make an interesting gastronomic
experience. (Gundel, 1934/1984)
It is no surprise that food plays a critical role in the tourist experience of a place. Regional and
national specialties become important ‘sights’ not to miss – the beignets in New Orleans, the fish
and chips in England, the fermented mare’s milk in Mongolia. That said, the fact that an entire
culture can be reduced to one element – food as synecdoche – is a bit surprising. This was made
apparent in research undertaken on the urban landscape with foreign tourists in Budapest,
Hungary, when the term goulash arose with surprising frequency (Metro-Roland, 2011). The
question arises as to how food comes to transmit so much cultural knowledge that it becomes
a fact toted around by the unknowing visitor, and in the case of goulash, it is a food that
although closely associated with Hungarian culture, is, outside of the borders of the county,
so different from its domestic cousin gulyásleves that they are almost mutually unrecognizable.
Equally intriguing is the fact that the ingredients that constitute a good gulyásleves have
their origins outside of the Hungarian state. The dish is the result of a rather long historical

# 2013 Taylor & Francis
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Journal of Heritage Tourism
process involving the movement of peoples and products over the globe that has resulted in
the situation in which gulyásleves, and by extension, goulash play the role of national dish.
Food is an odd artifact of culture because any particular token example of a dish has a short
life span, being fixed and usually promptly consumed. And while written recipes might
seem more durable, the variation in a dish, as it is actually made, that occurs over time
and space can cause it to morph into something entirely different.
This paper looks at the relationship between food and geography, in the transformation
food takes when it crosses borders, and the ways in which foods become not just the ‘edible
part of culture’ (Council on International Educational Exchange, n.d.), but the wieldy, portable icons of regional and national cultures, carrying forth messages about identity, ceremony, habits and customs of a people wrapped up in the trappings of cuisine, even
when little else might be know. And while we can debate as to how much ‘cultural understanding’ emerges from simply eating, what some multi-culturalists have labeled the Taco
Tuesday dilemma (see also Buettner, 2008 on curry in the UK), for those who study food
and foodways the links between mode of life and ‘traditional dishes’ are significant.
Gulyás and goulash
Let us start out with two recipes for ‘goulash’. First the ‘Gulyásleves’ recipe from the
Gundel’s Hungarian cookbook which was first published in 1934, and secondly ‘family
goulash’ from the 1970s era Betty Crocker cookbook.
Gulyásleves (Gundel)
2 1/2 cups
5 tbs
7/8 cup
1 tbs
1 3/4 lb
1 cup
1 small fresh tomato
6 portions
Cubed beef
Caraway seeds
Green pepper
Csipetke (soup pasta)
Use meat rich in gelatin (shin-beef, blade or neck). Cube the meet into 1/2– 3/4 inch pieces. Fry the
chopped onion in the melted lard until it is golden yellow. Lower the heat, then add the paprika, stir it
rapidly, add the meat, keep on stirring, add salt. When the meat is browned and all the liquid is
evaporated, add the caraway seeds, finely chopped garlic and a small amount of cold water, cover and
braise the meat slowly. Stir it occasionally and add small quantities of water if necessary. The meat
should be braised not boiled. While the meat is cooking, cube the potatoes, green pepper and tomatoes
[sic] into pieces 13 inch in size and prepare the dough for the soup pasta (csipetke). Just before the meat
is completely tender, reduce the pan juices, add the cubed potatoes, let them brown slightly, add the
stock, green pepper and tomato. When the potato is almost cooked and the soup is ready to be served,
add the pasta (csipetke), and adjust the quantity by the addition of stock or water
Family goulash (Betty Crocker)
4 ounces
1 lb
1 medium onion
2 cups
1/2 cup
1 jar (2 1/2 ounces)
1 can (14 1/2 ounces)
2 teaspoons
1/4 teaspoon
Fine noodles
Ground beef
Chopped (about 1/2 cup)
Sliced celery
Sliced mushrooms
M.M. Metro-Roland
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Cook noodles in 112 quarts salted (112 teaspoon) boiling water until done While noodles cook, cook
and stir ground beef and onion in a large skillet until meat is brown and onion is tender. Drain off fat
Stir in drained noodles, celery, catsup, mushrooms (with liquid), tomatoes, salt and pepper. Cover;
simmer 30 –45 minutes
While there are some similarities between these two recipes – they both have beef,
tomatoes, noodles and onions – the differences are striking. For starters there is no
paprika in the Betty Crocker recipe, and the beef is ground. There are no potatoes or
peppers, nor is there lard. More importantly, goulash in Hungary, called gulyásleves is
always a soup (the term gulyás should technically be translated as ‘herdsman’ and leves
as soup) while the American version is a kind of stew. Even in recipes that more closely
hew to the Hungarian version, such as that found in the Joy of Cooking what is presented
is actually not goulash but a paprika stew called pörkölt (von Starkloff Rombauer, Rombauer Becker, Becker, & Guarnaschelli, 1997). In some cases in the USA, the term
goulash is used as a generic term, like casserole, for a stew-like dish that vaguely resembles
a dish made in my neighborhood, which features ground beef, elbow macaroni, tomato
sauce and various other additions (from bacon drippings to sausage or carrots) depending
upon the mood of the cook but which is called goulash. It is this ‘glorified beefaroni’ which
the Southern celebrity chef Paula Deen cooks up as goulash for her son’s birthday (Deen &
Nesbit, 2006, p. 103) and which most people have probably encountered under this moniker
at a diner, cafeteria, or maybe even a parent’s or grandparent’s table. Needless to say, the
two dishes are oceans apart, literally and figuratively. And yet goulash, even in its
ground beef adulterated version, is still labeled by many a ‘Hungarian’ dish. For those visiting the country, it was one of the few facts about Hungary that they could recite. That the
‘authentic’ Hungarian version from the Gundel Cook book is a variation – every family has
their own version – the fact remains that within the borders of the country what is recognized as gulyásleves is far different than what is recognized outside the borders.
Food – a sign of culture
Actually there are two kinds of peppers grown in Hungary: one for eating fresh, the other for
spice. Peppers grown for eating fresh are green or yellow at first and later in the season turn red.
Green and yellow pepper, which has a refreshing taste, is mostly consumed raw in salads. It is a
basic ingredient in a large variety of Hungarian dishes. The spice variety of pepper when red
ripe is dried and pulverized to make paprika. The quality and classification of the paprika
depend on the variety of peppers used and on the proportion of the flesh, seeds and ribs
mixed together in the processing plant. (Gundel, 1934/1984)
That food functions synecdochically to call to mind an entire place can be explained
through the sign theory of the American philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce. Peirce’s
(1992, p. 132) work as a scientist likely influenced him to look beyond mere symbolic
relationships between words and concepts to explain in his semiotic theory the ways in
which we interpret the physical world of objects around us. While the full details of his
theory are complex and would take much longer to explain, we can highlight a few key concepts. Semiotics, in its linguistic version based on the lectures of Ferdinand de Saussure,
often treats meaning as simply residing in the realm of the symbolic (Nöth, 1990). There
is, it is argued an arbitrary relationship between the sign and the object or the signifier
and the signified (Saussure, 1959). Peirce offered two other possible ways in which
signs relate to the objects they represent, iconically having an actual resemblance such as
a map or painting (1992, p. 226; 1998, pp. 5, 307), and indexically being in actual
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Journal of Heritage Tourism
connection or serving to draw the attention, like smoke and a fire (1998, pp. 163, 274). It is
the multiple ways in which signs function to give us information that allows for denotation
and connotation, the accretion of meaning that is not simply arbitrary but is linked to the
warp and woof of a custom and culture (Peirce, 1992, pp. 132, 136).
This is the case with food. Scholars from Lévi-Strauss (1968/1978) to Barthes (1961)
have shown that the feeding of the body and the social practices which rise up around
that act are among the most fundamental of customs (Douglas, 1972; Flandrin & Montanari,
1999; Goody, 1982; Montanari, 2004). These practices also have profound material aspects.
From production to procurement and consumption, these are closely linked to culture, and
the history and tradition of a place. Thus the seasonal ebb and flow of produce and the types
of legumes, grains or meats one finds in abundance offer a snapshot of mode of life distinguished by class and region. But as people have moved both within their own countries
from rural to urban areas and emigrated across borders and oceans, the idea of regional cuisines has given way to the scale of the state and foods have become linked with nations,
even as the new host country continues to change the contours of the original dish. As
anyone who has seen the movie Big Night (Kirkpatrick et al., 1996) will remember, if in
Italy ‘sometimes the spaghetti likes to be alone’ that is not necessarily the case in
America. Gabaccia (2000) in writing about ethnic food and the making of the USA
asserts that ‘the American penchant to experiment with foods to combine and mix foods
of many cultural traditions into blended gumbos or stews and to create ‘smorgasbords’ is
. . . a recurring theme in our history as eaters’ (p. 3).
Food has been mobile for thousands of years, and this geographic migration of peoples
and their foods has produced various scales of linkages. As the culinary landscape has
shifted some things have stuck to places and become intricately linked to these locations
while other things simply sift through. The so-called Columbian Exchange, as Crosby
(1972/2003) termed it, is just one significant moment in this ongoing process.
Looking again at the ‘authentic Hungarian’ version of goulash found in the Gundel
cookbook, it is striking how many of the ingredients are imports into the county, including
the peppers and the paprika (which they were made into), the potatoes and the tomatoes.
And yet these things can be found throughout the ‘old world’ but what becomes semiotically linked depends upon the particular history of place, choices that are made, and the
views of both the outsider and the insider. If we think of Ireland, we think of potatoes
because of the awful role it played in the history of the Irish, and of course Italian
cooking is closely associated with tomatoes. These are both imports that have become
fully adopted into the cultural habits and customs and cuisines of these places. And
while the links between Italian identity and the tomato would be hard to make, food can
be a potent factor in identity formation. One need only think about dietary laws and the
ways in which forbidden foods mark the borders between groups that may appear similar.
The process by which foods become significant carriers of culture is complex. As
Jordan (2008, p. 109) writes about the dumpling,
the meanings invested . . . may vary from the very private level of a kind of Proustian remembrance from childhood, to dumplings as symbols of regions or nations, as objects of fading nostalgia, or active entrepreneurial campaigns to boost the economies and external identities of
particular regions.
The process of ‘nationalizing’ a food is a long one, and mainly emerges organically, but,
like other markers of identity, it often depends upon an ‘other’ against which it is measured.
Appadurai (1988) in his study of the emergence of ‘Indian Cuisine’ in cookbooks highlights
M.M. Metro-Roland
the role that food can play in national identity formation. He quotes a newspaper review of a
cook book entitled Indian Recipes: ‘Hindi may or may not help in unifying the county;
while it is trying hard, there may be no harm in letting an Uttar Pradesh snack win over
a Tamil Nadu heart’ (Lal, 1980 in Appadurai, 1988, p. 20). When food is shared across
borders it can become a battle of who claims its origins (Raviv, 2003). While in the case
of Indian cooking, the rise in regional cuisine is leading toward an articulation of a national
cuisine (Appadurai, 1988, p. 21) in other cases what we see is a conscious effort to elide
regional differences in the process of nation-building as was the case in Hungary.
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Culinary contributions to Hungarian identity
We also inherited our bogrács from our nomad ancestors. It is a cooking cauldron which can be
hung over an open fire. Without doubt the ancient Magyars cooked in this bogrács food which
is similar to today’s gulyás. This custom did not disappear when the migrating tribes settled
down. Even today, the bogrács is a frequently used cooking utensil. (Gundel, 1934/1984)
If we look at the culinary history of the Magyar nation in the seventeenth and eighteenth
century, we can see both the role it played in national identity formation, as well as the shifts
over the spaces of the Hungarian lands. In the seventeenth century while there were ‘stereotypes of “Hungarian” dishes’ held by foreigners, these were not considered by Hungarians
themselves to be ‘self-characteristic’ and instead it was meat and sauerkraut, a dish no different
than that served throughout the region that was considered the national dish (Kisbán, 1989).
That changed, however, with moves on the part of the Habsburg ruler Joseph II and his
attempts to homogenize his subjects in the fields of law, administration and the use of
German as an official language. In spite of the halting of these policies in the wake of
his death in the 1790s, the fires of the Magyar national identity had been stoked and
along with the adoption of stylized Hungarian costumes by the aristocracy at the turn of
the century, the cultural history underscores the path that peasant culture played in asserting
a unique Hungarian identity (a process which would be repeated in the interwar period by
the so-called populists looking to Transylvania). Among the customs adopted from the peasantry were the eating of gulyásleves and the dancing of the csárdás.
It was goulash that brought paprika into the kitchens of the aristocracy from the Great
Plains peasants. Much of the life and culture of the pásztor and the guylás, the shepherd and
the herdsman, made its way into Hungarian cultural identity. The bogrács, a large iron pot,
was hung over an open fire, and in the Great Plains, they built shelters to keep the fire protected (Kósa & Szemerkényi, 1998). Eventually, the peasants in the area adopted this herdsman stew, bringing it in from the open fire to the kitchen and raising it to the status of a
festival food (Kisbán, 1989, p. 100). In the cities, it became an everyday food and there
was then a re-transmission of this dish from urban to rural, back to villages outside of
the Great Plains as an everyday food. What Kisbán notes in 1989 is still in practice
today, 20 years later, in the area of the Great Plains; goulash is a ‘special occasion’ dish
cooked in huge caldrons (bográcsok). Whenever a crowd is expected, such as at a
nursery school celebration, were Americans might pull out the grill for hotdogs and hamburgers, it is goulash which is on the menu. And just as the chili cook-off is a staple, so too
are goulash cook-offs in small villages in the summer. But even here gulyás is found as an
everyday food as well, cooked indoors rather than over an open fire.
In the evolution of gulyás, it was the addition of paprika to the meat that marked it off as
Hungarian and which made it the leading contender for a potent marker of national difference
among the aristocrats. Although paprika is linked to Hungarian culture, it originally came
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Journal of Heritage Tourism
into the kitchen from the Balkans in the early 1700s (Kisba� …
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