What negative consequences could result if parents followed Bem’s suggestion, psychology homework help


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Also avoid leading questions. See below for examples of good discussion questions.  Example Discussion Questions 1. What negative consequences could result if parents followed Bem’s suggestion to raise androgynous
boys and girls? How might peers respond to boys with stereotypically feminine characteristics and girls
with stereotypically masculine characteristics? What are the positive consequences of raising
androgynous boys and girls? Where does one draw the line between a healthy de-emphasis on gender
and a healthy acknowledgment of gender in raising children? 2. Josephs, Markus, and Tafarodi argue that individuation (distinguishing the self from others on the
basis of talents or accomplishments) does not serve as a significant source of esteem for American
women (because of gender-role socialization). How accurately does their argument describe women in
the U.S.? Explain your response. How do women in the U.S. compare, in terms of how individualistic
they are, to men and women in Asian cultures? How does the pressure that women feel in our society to
be appropriately “feminine” interact with the individualistic norms that all Americans experience?only write two questions like the examples  above

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Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology
2010, Vol. 16, No. 1, 59 – 67
© 2010 American Psychological Association
1099-9809/10/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0016675
The Impact of Acculturation and Religious Identification on Perceived
Discrimination for Arab/Middle Eastern Americans
Germine H. Awad
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
University of Texas–Austin
The aim of the current study was to determine the impact of acculturation, ethnic identity, and religious
affiliation on perceived discrimination for persons of Arab and Middle Eastern descent. Two aspects of
acculturation (ethnic society immersion and dominant society immersion), religious affiliation, and
ethnic identity were measured using a final sample of 177 individuals of Arab or Middle Eastern descent.
Results indicated that Arab/Middle Eastern Americans who reported lower levels of dominant society
immersion tended to report higher levels of discrimination. Furthermore, Muslims reported a higher level
of discrimination than Christians but this finding was moderated by level of acculturation. Specifically,
Muslims who reported a high level of dominant society immersion experienced the most discrimination,
whereas Christians who reported a high level of dominant society immersion reported less discrimination.
Study implications are discussed.
Keywords: Arab Americans, perceived discrimination, Muslims, Christians, acculturation, ethnic identity
According to the Arab American Institute (AAI), the population
of Arab Americans is estimated to be around three million
(Samhan, 2006). The term Arab American is both a cultural and
linguistic term (Samhan, 2006). Some posit that Arab Americans
are those who speak Arabic and participate in Arabic culture
(Al-Hazza & Lucking, 2005; Suleiman, 2000). Others have argued
that the linguistic definition of Arab American is too narrow and
excludes those individuals who do not exclusively speak Arabic or
speak the language at all. The most inclusive definition is offered
by AAI and defines Arab Americans as those who have ancestry in
any of the 22 Arab countries. The majority of Arab Americans
trace their ancestry to Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Palestine, and Iraq.
Other Arab countries include Algeria, Bahrain, the Comoros Islands, Djibouti, Jordan, Kuwait, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania,
Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Tunisia, the United
Arab Emirates, and Yemen (AAI, n.d.; Erickson & Al-Timimi,
2001; Moradi & Hasan, 2004).
Arab American immigration has occurred in three major waves.
The first wave of immigrants arrived in the United States in the
late 1800s and early 1900s and consisted mainly of Christian
laborers, farmers, and merchants from Lebanon and Syria who
immigrated to better their economic situations (Erickson &
Al-Timimi, 2001; Haboush, 2007; Nasser-McMillian & HakimLarson, 2003). The second wave of immigration occurred after
World War II after the state of Israel was established in 1948. This
wave consisted of more Muslims, and/or others who were displaced as a result of the creation of the state of Israel. The most
Although discrimination toward Arabs and individuals of Middle
Eastern descent in the United States was reported as early as the
1900s (Naber, 2000), the events of September 11th, 2001, led to a
sharp increase in prejudice and discrimination toward persons of
Arab and Middle Eastern descent (Ajrouch, 2005; Ibish, 2003).
Instances of prejudice and discrimination toward other minority
groups in the United States have been well documented throughout
U.S. history (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1986; Jones, 1997; Nelson,
2002). Because of the fact that Arabs and individuals of Middle
Eastern descent are not recognized by the U.S. government as a
minority group, many instances of discrimination fail to get recorded. As a result, current discrimination statistics provide a
conservative estimate (Ibish, 2001). The lack of recognition as a
minority group by the U.S. government has led to scant if any data
gathering about the Arab/Middle Eastern Americans and their
experiences.1 Consequently, very little is known about this cultural
group. Although previous studies have found a link between instances of discrimination and psychological variables such as
psychological distress (Moradi & Hasan, 2004), very little is
known about the role that acculturation and ethnic identity play in
Arab Americans’ perception of discrimination. Furthermore, in
many previously published studies Arab Americans are often
talked about monolithically or their religious classification is overlooked or assumed to be Muslim. The role of acculturation and
ethnic identity in discrimination of both Christian and Muslim
Arab Americans is examined in the current study.
Germine H. Awad, Department of Educational Psychology, Human
Development and Culture, University of Texas–Austin.
I would like to thank David Awad, Shamin Ladhani, Asma Quddoura,
Safa Alrashed, Maggie Mawad, Mona Amer, and Nadia Hassan for their
help with electronic and paper data collection.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Germine
H. Awad, University of Texas–Austin, Austin, TX. E-mail: gigi.awad@mail
The term Arab/Middle Eastern American will be used to refer to
persons who have ancestry in any of the Arab countries in the Middle East.
Because of sociopolitical reasons, some individuals do not adopt the Arab
label even if their ancestry is in one of the Arab countries. Any deviation
from the Arab/Middle Eastern American label in the current study reflects
the individual author(s)’ usage in the study being reviewed.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
recent and third wave of immigration brought more Muslims,
highly educated professionals, and individuals who wanted to
escape war and political instability in their countries (Abraham,
1995; Naff, 1985).
Although Arab Americans are a diverse group with a tremendous amount of within-group variability (e.g., based on SES, level
of acculturation, educational level, religion, country of origin,
etc.), there are some common cultural characteristics that are
shared by many Arab American groups. First and foremost, family
plays a central role in the life of an Arab American (Abudabbeh,
1996; Haboush, 2007). Family obligations are often given priority,
and there is a high level of family interdependence. Similar to
other collectivist cultures, parents are highly involved in their
children’s lives and remain so for most of their lives. In more
traditional Arab American families, children do not leave the home
until they are married (Haboush, 2007). Until then, they remain the
parents’ responsibility. In addition, the concept of family does not
only include nuclear family but also extended family. Individuals
are also expected to put the goals of the family above their
individual goals or success. In addition to the central role of
family, respect for elders is expected and enforced. Other commonly shared cultural values for Arab Americans include the
significant role of religion and the immigration experience (e.g.,
language acquisition, finding a job, raising “American” children;
Abudabbeh, 1996; Moradi & Hasan, 2004).
In terms of religion, the majority of Arab Americans are Christian and comprise approximately 77% of the Arab American
population. Specifically, 42% are Catholic (e.g., Syrian Catholic,
Maronite, Greek Catholic), 23% are Orthodox (e.g., Coptic and
Syrian Orthodox), and 12% are Protestant (Samhan, 2006). Since
the 1950s, Arab Muslims have been the fastest-growing segment
of Arab Americans and make up approximately 23% of the Arab
American population (Samhan, 2006). Compared with Arab
American Christians, Muslims espouse more traditions that appear
to conflict with mainstream American culture. Furthermore, gender integration is not common in Islam. Because there may be
overt markers of religion for Muslims (e.g., beards for men, hijab
for women, prayers five times a day), oftentimes they are a visible
religious minority and vulnerable to discrimination and bigotry.
There are some similarities between Arab Orthodox Christians and
Muslims in that they both emphasize modesty, disapprove of
American standards of dating, and fast for religious reasons (e.g.,
Ramadan for Muslims and Christmas and Easter fasts for Orthodox Christians). Although there have been some hypotheses posited about the ease of acculturation for Muslims and Christians,
few published studies are available that empirically test this assertion. The retention of traditional Arab values varies among Arab
Americans and depends in large part on level of acculturation.
Acculturation and Ethnic Identity
Acculturation has been conceptualized in myriad ways. Early
research tended to conceptualize acculturation as a unidimensional concept where immigrants acculturate to dominant society (Stephenson, 2000). More recent characterizations involve a
bidirectional and multidimensional approach. Arguably, the
most cited and widely accepted conceptualization of acculturation was put forth by John Berry. He defined acculturation as a
multifaceted process of change that occurs when at least two
cultures come into sustained contact with one another (Berry,
1980, 1992, 1996, 2003). Levels of acculturation can manifest
itself in two fundamental ways, immersion in or adoption of the
dominant society and retention or immersion in the ethnic society.
According to Berry, these two fundamental issues can result in
four different acculturation positions or statuses. One may be
assimilated, where there is less immersion in the ethnic society and
full immersion in the dominant society. Integration occurs when an
individual is fully immersed in both dominant and ethnic society.
Separation is characterized by complete immersion into the ethnic
society and retraction from the dominant society. Marginalization
is defined as lack of immersion in both dominant and ethnic
societies. All of these different positions or statuses posited by
Berry depend on level of immersion in both ethnic and dominant
society. Therefore, the elements of acculturation that will be examined in the current study are dominant society immersion and
ethnic society immersion. Dominant society immersion refers to
the extent to which individuals adopt or adhere to dominant society
values, beliefs, and behaviors whereas ethnic society immersion
refers to the extent to which individuals hold on to or adopt beliefs,
values, and behaviors believed to be a part of their ethnic heritage.
Although the role of acculturation has been posited as important
in understanding Arab Americans (e.g., Erickson & Al-Timimi,
2001; Nasser-McMillian & Hakim-Larson, 2003), there have been
relatively few studies that actually measure aspects of acculturation. One of the earliest studies that measured acculturation was
conducted by Faragallah, Schumm, and Webb (1997) where 39
Arab Americans were asked questions pertaining to their life
satisfaction and experiences in the United States. Results indicated
that greater acculturation to mainstream society was associated
with higher levels of life satisfaction. In terms of religion, Arab
Christians reported higher levels of acculturation than did Arab
Muslims. Furthermore, individuals who immigrated to the United
States at a young age, and resided in the United States for longer
periods than others, were more likely to report higher levels of
acculturation. Level of perceived discrimination was not significantly related to acculturation in the aforementioned sample. It is
not clear whether there is a true lack of relationship between
acculturation and perceived discrimination or whether lack of
significance is a result of low statistical power resulting in a Type
II error. It is possible that acculturation did not relate to perceived
discrimination prior to 9/11, but the reason for lack of significance
is not clear.
More recently, Henry, Biran, and Stiles (2006) and reported a
preliminary development of a scale to measure perceived parental
acculturation. In this study, 44 participants completed a 16-item
scale designed to measure two aspects of acculturation, perceived
parental openness and perceived parental preservation. The scale
assessed the ways in which parents interact with their native
culture and American culture. The authors found that the mean
endorsement for parental openness and parental preservation were
2.16 and 2.24, respectively, indicating an average response of
“occasionally” for both subscales. Very little information was
provided about the actual acculturation and enculturation levels of
the individuals in this study. Furthermore, the low sample size
precludes any meaningful statistical analyses for the study. The
study is exploratory and only provides a superficial account of
acculturation for a small group of Arab Americans.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
A more recent study assessing acculturation was conducted with
a sample of Arab Muslim youth (Britto & Amer, 2007). The study
examined the relationship between family functioning and acculturation. In terms of acculturation, three different groups emerged:
individuals who are highly bicultural, those who are moderately
bicultural, and those who hold a high level of Arab cultural values.
Results indicated that individuals in the moderately bicultural
group reported higher levels of family acculturative stress and less
family support than individuals in the other acculturation groups.
Overall, all three acculturation groups reported positive family
functioning. The authors reiterated the importance of understanding the intersection of Muslim and Arab identities and how this
may impact acculturation issues. In addition, Amer and Hovey
(2007) found differences in acculturation and depression based on
religious identification in a sample of second generation Arab
Americans. Specifically, they found that Christians were more
likely to report higher levels of assimilation and integration than
Muslims as measured by the Arab Acculturation Scale (AAS), and
Muslims reported a higher level of separation than their Christian
counterparts. There were no differences in family functioning,
depression, or acculturative stress for Muslims and Christians. The
current study will assess two aspects of acculturation (ethnic and
dominant society immersion) and their relationship to other psychological variables (ethnic identity and perceived discrimination).
Compared with acculturation, ethnic identity tends to be more
stable over the course of a person’s lifetime (Phinney, 2003).
Ethnic identity is an aspect of acculturation that focuses on one’s
sense of belonging to an ethnic group. It includes feelings and
attitudes a person has toward their ethnic group (Phinney, 2003;
Tajfel, 1981). According to social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner,
1986), people tend to identify with a group that they perceive to
hold similar characteristics and experiences to themselves. Unfortunately one common characteristic for most Arab Americans is
the experience of prejudice and discrimination. According to the
rejection-identification model presented by Branscombe, Schmitt,
and Harvey (1999), experiences of discrimination can stimulate an
increase in in-group identification among ethnic minority groups.
Because individuals strive to protect their self-esteem and wellbeing, they may seek out others with whom they perceive to be
similar to increase the feeling of connectedness and belonging
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995). As a result, ethnic identity may serve
as a protective strategy for ethnic minorities who perceive discrimination and may help offset some of the negative psychological
costs to discrimination (e.g., loss of self-esteem, well-being, etc.;
Lee, Noh, Yoo, & Doh, 2007). To date, there have been few
quantitative studies performed that assess the ethnic identity of
Arab Americans/Middle Easterners in the United States. In a
qualitative study with 10 Arab American youth (mostly of Lebanese descent), Ajrouch (2004) investigated the mechanisms underlying ethnic identity formation. Participants differentiated themselves from recent immigrants and the larger “white” society.
Furthermore, Ajrouch found that beliefs related to what is considered appropriate behavior for Arab Americans is gendered, where
girls tend to have more restrictions placed upon them. In addition
to gender, Eid (2003) found differences in ethnic identity based on
religiosity and religious status in a sample of Canadian Arabs.
Specifically, he found that Canadian Christians are more likely to
have their ethnic identity tied to religion than their Canadian
Muslim counterparts.
One quantitative study that has been conducted focused on the
development of an ethnic identity scale designed for Arab American males (Barry, 2001, 2005; Barry, Elliott, & Evans, 2000).
Given the relatively low sample size of the construction and
validation samples of the Male Arabic Ethnic Identity Measure
(MAEIM) and the focus on males, the current study set out to
determine the extent ethnic identity influences perceived discrimination for Arab Americans with a widely used and established
ethnic identity measure (MEIM; Phinney, 1992).
Prejudice and Discrimination Toward Arab Americans
Discrimination toward Arab Americans was documented as early
as 1914 in the United States (Naber, 2000). From 1998 to 2000, the
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) reported
“the continuing problem of physical and psychological attacks on
Americans of Arab heritage, many of which constitute hate crimes
under the law” (Ibish, 2001, p. 8). The report stated that Arab
Americans remain vulnerable to attacks motivated by prejudice
toward Arabs. In the first nine weeks following 9/11 the ADC
reported over 700 violent incidents targeting Arabs, Arab Americans, Muslims, and those perceived to be Arab or Muslim (Ibish,
2003). Over 800 incidents of workplace discrimination took place
between September 11, 2001, and October 11, 2002 (Ibish, 2003).
During this time approximately 80 Arab American and/or Muslim
passengers were illegally removed from airplanes. In addition, an
increase in institutional discrimination occurred as evidenced by
FBI and INS misconduct, which included instances of racial profiling and stereotyping, indefinite detention of foreign nationals,
and suspension of U.S. citizens’ constitutional rights without due
process (Ibish, 2003).
In Zogby’s (2002) poll of 505 Arab Americans, one in three
individuals reported that they have experienced discrimination. In
addition, “40% of those surveyed know someone who was discriminated against since 9/11” (p. 2). Approximately 66% expressed concern about the “long term effects of discrimination,”
and 78% reported feeling that “there has been more profiling of
Arab Americans since September 11” (Zogby, 2002, p. 2).
Although there have been studies conducted that either directly
or indirectly assessed the role of discrimination for Muslims that
may have a small sub sample of Arabs/Middle Eastern Americans
(e.g., Ali, Milstein, & Marzuk, 2005; Rippy & Newman, 2006,
2008), Moradi and Hasan (2004) conducted one of the first psychological studies assessing perceived discrimination for Arab
Americans with a sample of 108 individuals. According to their
study, …
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