Expert Answer:Disney Stereotype gender impact girls source evalu

  

Solved by verified expert:Basically, you’ll be evaluating a scholar’s work, typically an article, in terms of their argument, its validity, timeliness, stuff like that. The conversation that you create in your Research Paper begins with these various scholarly sources. The great thing about Source Evaluations is that you’re using them as part of the building blocks for your Research Paper. You can incorporate your work on the source evaluations directly into your research paper.Here are the assignment and a sample source evaluation and the article you will have to write about.The research question is: How people develop sexual orientations and how are gender identities determined?
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Surname 1
Student’s Name
Professor’s Name
Course
Date
Source Evaluation
Outline

Citation
➢ Mitchell, Alvin and Fries, Mary. The Effect of Knowledge on Attitudes Towards
Homosexual Behaviors. Race, Gender & Class: New Orleans. 23(1/2), 2016: 183
– 202.

Author Information
➢ Mitchell Alvin
✓ Bible Major at Grand Canyon College
✓ Became a writer after retiring from truck driving

Summary/Methods
➢ Lack of information a hindrance to acceptability of homosexuality
➢ Used a 90-minute video to create awareness
➢ Recorded attitude before and after watching

Key Terms
➢ Homosexuality
➢ Attitude
Surname 2

Quotation Analysis
➢ Public attitude towards homosexuality and homosexual behavior
➢ Likely to reject homosexual relations
➢ Whether homosexuals chose their behavior

Synthesis
➢ Acceptability in society
➢ Rejection has worsened the matter
➢ There are other possible contributing factors such as genetics and learned
behavior

Overall Evaluation
➢ Failed to touch on the sociological aspect of the matter
➢ Ernulf, Innala and Whitam’s work could be used in the research
➢ Developed question
✓ Should homosexual behavior be introduced in schools as sex education
Student ND
Professor Lilley
Source Evaluation 4
Research Question
Is there an implicit bias against obese individuals in the health care system, and what role does
this play in future health outcomes and the obesity epidemic overall?
Citation
Sutin, Angelina R, et al. “Weight Discrimination and Risk of Mortality.” Psychological Science,
vol. 26, no. 11, SAGE Publications, pp. 1803–11, doi:10.1177/0956797615601103.
Author Information
Angelina Sutin earned her Ph.D. in Psychology from University of California, David, and is now
an associate professor at Florida State University. She is also an associate editor for the Journal
of Personality. Some of her main focuses of study include health disparities, personality and
health, and lifespan development.
Summary/Methods
This study was focused on finding out whether weight discrimination played any role in
early mortality. The researchers used information from two studies: a longitudinal study of
13,692 people ages 50 and over in 2006-2008, and another study of 7,108 participants in 2004
and 2005. These participants had previously rated in these respective years their everyday
experiences with discrimination. Researchers now compared this information with mortality in
2015. They discovered that discrimination, specifically in regards to a person’s weight or
physical disability, was associated with a higher risk of mortality in both groups. They even
discovered that risk factors like smoking, a well-known link to mortality, had similar levels of
mortality in the samples. This study sought to show the ways that weight stigma can have serious
health implications for obese persons constantly on the other end of the discrimination.
Key Terms
Risk of Mortality – decreased life expectancy
Weight Discrimination – unfair treatment because of one’s body weight
Quotation Analysis
1. “…possibility that the stigma associated with being overweight is more harmful than actually
being overweight” (Sutin et al., 1807).
The researchers in this study discovered that those who experienced weight
discrimination were at a higher risk of mortality, and they even suggest that an obese person
being subject to biases, and feelings of shame as a result, might actually be an even stronger
indicator of early death than health issues associated with excess weight. This would suggest that
feeling discriminated can be enough to lower a person’s life expectancy, and since discrimination
is a fixable social issue, it is necessary that it be eradicated as soon as possible.
2. “…given that weight is largely perceived to be controllable, unfair treatment because of body
weight may lead to feelings of shame because of the perception that people should do something
about their weight” (Sutin et al., 1808).
Overweight individuals are frequently blamed for their weight, and society tends to
consider obesity a completely individual decision. Health factors and socioeconomic factors, just
to name a few, are rarely considered when thinking about why a person is obese. The only
thought that frequently comes to mind is that the person is lazy, gluttonous, or not in control of
themselves. When everyone around is blaming you, it is no surprise that you might start to blame
yourself for the weight, too, or beat yourself up if you can’t lose it. Self-blame and shame can
increase unhealthy behaviors, thus causing an endless cycle of obesity and discrimination.
3. “The effect of weight discrimination on mortality was generally stronger than that of other
forms of discrimination but was comparable with that of other established risk factors, such as
smoking history and disease burden” (Sutin et al., 1807).
With the exception of physical disability, being discriminated against for one’s weight
was related to higher levels of mortality compared to race, gender, sexuality, and other types of
discrimination. The mortality levels associated with weight bias were actually on par with wellknown risk factors like smoking. This is very important to note because society has become a lot
more knowledgable about the harmful effects of smoking and preach the message to kids and
loved ones. Clearly, instilling in everyone the importance of not discriminating based on weight
needs to be addressed next.
Synthesis
In Goffman’s theory of social stigma, he notes that “the stigmatized individual—at least
the ‘visibly’ stigmatized one—will have special reasons for feeling that mixed social situations
make for anxious unanchored interaction” (18), with these ‘mixed’ situations referring to a
stigmatized person and a ‘normal’. He further explains that stigmatized people will likely be
unsure and self-conscious about how the other will perceive him, which leads to questions about
how one should act. These awkward situations can give rise to self-deprecating thoughts in an
obese individual. Sutin mentions that “…given that weight is largely perceived to be
controllable, unfair treatment because of body weight may lead to feelings of shame because of
the perception that people should do something about their weight” (Sutin et al., 1808). Rather
than actually inspire someone to make healthy lifestyle changes, blaming an individuals for their
weight and ridiculing them can actually just lead to “increases [in] blood pressure, reduce[d]
cognitive control, and increases [in] food consumption” (Sutin et al., 1803), thus doing the exact
opposite of what is needed.
Since obesity is treated as an individual choice and failure, people tend not to just view
‘obesity’ as an issue, but the whole person. Teachmen and Brownell’s 2001 study on implicit and
explicit biases in health care professionals found that negative “attitudes seem to be directed
toward obese persons rather than being limited to the concept of obesity, and are evident in a
population committed to the care and treatment of obese persons” (Teachmen and Brownell
1529). This issue of discrimination is one that needs to be addressed, as it is causing serious
physical and psychological issues. Sutin’s study on mortality rates indicated that “the effect of
weight discrimination on mortality was generally stronger than that of other forms of
discrimination but was comparable with that of other established risk factors, such as smoking
history and disease burden” (Sutin et al., 1807). This indicates that premature death can even be
attributed to the experience of stigma, thus making this a national health concern.
Overall Evaluation
This article is from 2015, making it pretty timely. They also used data from a very large
sample, increasing the external validity of the study. I would be interested in finding other
studies with a similar hypothesis in order to see if these findings that weight bias can increase the
risk of mortality can be replicated. I would be interested to know what specifically were the
causes of death in the participants that experienced weight stigma in the early 2000s, and I would
be curious to know if these causes truly were directly or indirectly linked to the discrimination
that they faced.
This was an interesting study for my argument, as most focus solely on whether or not
there are biases present. This study took things a step further and looked at the outcomes that this
bias can influence.
Questions
How can weight discrimination really be ‘fixed’?
Does weight bias lead to increased health care spending too?
557952
research-article2014
TVNXXX10.1177/1527476414557952Television & New MediaO’Brien
Article
Producing Television and
Reproducing Gender
Television & New Media
2015, Vol. 16(3) 259­–274
© The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1527476414557952
tvn.sagepub.com
Anne O’Brien1
Abstract
In a case study of Irish television, gendered production processes are created
through the channeling of women and men into different types of roles where they
receive differential rewards and opportunities from their work. Gender also impacts
in complex ways on the routines of production, where it shapes the perspective
applied to media content and expectations regarding the behavior of staff. Gendered
production routines and role allocations become embedded over time and eventually
form a gendered culture of television production that prohibits Irish women’s equal
participation. Despite the reproduction of gendered work roles, routines, and
cultures, women offer evidence of sustainable and valued careers in production.
However, women’s adaptations to the constraints of gendered work processes and
practices are founded on a neoliberal and postfeminist sensibility that denies the
gendered nature of their work and refers responsibility for survival in the industry
onto the individual worker, who in turn denies the relevance of gender to their
careers.
Keywords
gender, roles, routines, culture, production, creative labor
Introduction
This article examines the work processes, practices, and culture through which a postfeminist and neoliberal gendered work context is created and maintained in Irish television production. The gendering of the production process occurs through the
channeling of women and men into different types of roles where they receive differential rewards and opportunities from their work. Gender also impacts in complex
1National
University of Ireland Maynooth, Ireland
Corresponding Author:
Anne O’Brien, Kairos Communications/Centre for Media Studies, National University of Ireland
Maynooth, Maynooth, Co. Kildare, Ireland.
Email: anneobrien@kairoscomms.ie
260
Television & New Media 16(3)
ways on the routines of television production, where it shapes the perspective applied
to content and expectations regarding the behavior of staff. Gendered production routines and role allocations become embedded over time and eventually form a gendered
culture of television production that prohibits women’s equal participation in the Irish
industry and which serves to discipline and regulate female subjects. Despite their
awareness of patterns of gendered work roles, routines, and cultures, women nonetheless articulate evidence of sustainable and valued careers in television, but they do not
generally challenge the status quo in gendered terms. This study illustrates Gill and
Scharff’s (2013, 7) key point, “Could it be that neoliberalism is always already gendered, and that women are constructed as its ideal subjects?” Circumscribed by neoliberal and postfeminist subjectivities, Irish women television workers do not articulate
work inequalities in terms of gender.
The “redundancy” of gender is important to understand because, as Gill (2002, 85)
succinctly puts it, “What is not fully clear—and needs more study—is why a discourse
(like those of feminisms) which makes gender visible is not deployed by the majority
of the women?” While interviewees in the Irish television industry understand that
gender is a feature that determines their working lives, they claim that they cannot
challenge the gender bias they face because they rely on reputation and social connections to sustain their careers. The women cannot make claims on the grounds of gender
bias because in postfeminist Irish society, such claims, regarding the relevance of gender to the workplace, are widely dismissed. Moreover, in a neoliberal society, the primacy of the individual to generate successful work and career outcomes is paramount.
Therefore, any issues with “failure” at work become the responsibility of the individual worker rather than that of the organization or Irish society more broadly.
Because media workers function in this particular work context, their self-regulating practices mean that they fail to recognize their own subordination to work as anything other than an intrinsic feature of their creative labor. It is not that Irish television
workers entirely fail to understand the power of capital to which they are subjected,
nor do they fail to see their compliance within an exigent work regime, rather it is the
case that the disciplining power of reputation and the social dimension of working
relationships at an individual level far outweigh any capacity of individual workers to
address their own precarity, as well as any gender bias that they endure. It is deemed
more viable by the workers to be the perfect disciplined subjects, to self-regulate, and
deny gendered practices than to generate discussion of the structural problems of gendered work in the Irish television industry. As one of the respondents put it, “You just
can’t be seen to make trouble, or you really won’t work again” (Respondent P).
Television Production Work and Gender
A significant consequence of transformations in advanced capitalism has been the shift
toward neoliberalism, which “creates policies and practices that embody the enterprising and constantly strategizing entrepreneur . . . [as] the ideal citizen” (Apple 2001,
196) Such transformations occur in new and old media industries in the form of
increased tendencies toward individualization of risk, self-government, and
O’Brien
261
transference of responsibility for work onto the individual worker (Gill 2002; Gill and
Pratt 2008; Perrons 2003). Feminist writers propose that media work is also characterized by a number of patterns of gender inequality that relate to informality, autonomy,
and flexibility (Banks and Milestone 2011; Gill 2002). Gill (2002, 82), for instance,
argues that gender impacts through differentiations in educational advantages, varied
access to entry routes and contracts, a gender pay gap, and trends toward casual status
for women. These same issues are very evident in Irish television production where
women experience increasing informalization of the sector, a gendered work culture,
and highly gendered employment networks that undermine women’s progress in the
industry (Allen et al. 2013; Blair 2001; Christopherson 2008; Ursell 2000).
As well as neoliberal and gendered trends in media production, Gill’s (2002) work
also names postfeminism as a further factor working against women achieving equality. Gill (2007, 147) describes it as a distinctive sensibility,
made up of a number of interrelated themes. These include the notion that femininity is a
bodily property; the shift from objectification to subjectification; an emphasis upon selfsurveillance, monitoring and self-discipline; a focus on individualism; choice and
empowerment; the dominance of a makeover paradigm; and a resurgence of ideas about
natural sexual difference.
Circumscribed by this sensibility, Irish women television workers are reluctant to
understand their experiences of inequality as having anything to do with gender and
are “caught” within a discourse that has the effect of individualizing their experiences,
“making it difficult for them to use such experiences as a basis for solidarity or change”
(Gill 2002, 84–85). Despite clear evidence of patterns of gendered career outcomes,
interviewees frequently denied the impact of gender on their working lives. As
McRobbie (2004, 260) puts it, “the new female subject is, despite her freedom, called
upon to be silent, to withhold critique.” For Gill (2008, 432), the tension between neoliberalism and postfeminism is central to understanding contemporary media culture
and finds significant application in the context of Irish television production; yet there
is a dearth of understanding of how “the social or cultural ‘gets inside’ and transforms
and reshapes our relationships to ourselves and others.”
With the exception of Grindstaff (2002) and Banks (in Mayer et al. 2009), there is
relatively little explicit connection made between creative labor practices and female
subjectivity or agentic interpretations of the lived realities of media work. Mayer
(2011) directly addresses this gap by examining how media work implicitly constructs
identities in and through labor. Mayer (2011, 18–19) notes that female identified work
supports labor relations, but this work “appears otherwise” as a natural form of production, whereas, simultaneously, capitalism profits from invisible inputs into formal
production markets, organized on a principle of precarity. Mayer (2011, 19) describes
the conjuncture of invisible labors and identity constructions and claims, firstly, that
new relationships emerge between the material and symbolic dimensions of labor,
opening new possibilities for identities. Secondly, the emergent subjectivities that
capitalism now demands from its laborers continue to draw on the residual identities
262
Television & New Media 16(3)
that have corresponded to invisible labor in the past (Mayer 2011, 20). Mayer (2011,
21) notes, thirdly, that the role of worker’s agency is relevant to how labor is articulated along gender lines. The latter two points, in particular, will prove key to understanding the findings from this analysis of the Irish context, described in further detail
below.
Whereas Mayer addresses the links between gendered labor and identity, there
still remains the question of the possibility, or indeed more pointedly in the Irish
case, the impossibility of resistance to capitalist control and regulation of labor identities. Gill and Pratt (2008, 19) contend that subjectivity is always mediated by the
meanings that people give to their experience and that this mediation does not exist
outside of culture. It is in these mediated meanings that the accounts of refusal and/
or compliance of subjectivities are to be found. In the analysis that follows below,
the processes, practices, and culture that are central to the gendering of television
production in Ireland are linked to the articulation of female worker’s subjective
identities on gendered lines. Their compliance with and/or refusals of these processes that gender the roles, routines, and culture of their work are outlined to give
a clearer picture of the reasons for the absence of any potential feminist politics of
Irish television labor.
Method
Data were collected in 2013 through semistructured interviews, with a purposive,
snowball sample of twenty women who worked in Irish television production. Media
workers were defined quite broadly to include an elite of creative producers, as well as
middle-ranking operatives and low status administrative workers, across multiple
genres of feature, news, children’s, daytime, and talk programs. Gendering was defined
in terms of “practices, that are perceived, interpreted and/or intended as about gender”
and which contribute to the social institutionalization of gende …
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